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Disaster Psychology  by Susan Hamilton, Ph.D.

Learning Objectives
  • Learn the different definitions and classifications of a disaster.


  • Learn the challenges to providing psychological assistance to disaster survivors.


  • Learn the history of the American Red Cross Disaster Mental Health program and the reasons for its inception.


Fortunately, for much of the population their closest experience of a disaster is through the media or from movies. These snap shot views are dramatic, frequently unrealistic, and present an incomplete view of the complexity of disaster response. They rarely focus on longer-term psychological, sociological, and financial effects. Psychologists have long been part of the cadre of mental health professionals who work with the American Red Cross to provide pro bono counseling services to disaster survivors. For psychologists interested in becoming actively involved in disaster preparedness and response, reviewing current trauma and resilience research and studies on evidence based early interventions will provide a background to appreciate the needs of disaster survivors and responders and how compassion fatigue or secondary traumatization can affect mental health professionals providing service to them.

A disaster environment is often described as organized chaos. Clinicians arriving at the scene of a disaster should have specialized training in disaster mental health, understand the role of mental health professionals, the chain of command, and the operational changes that take place daily (American Psychological Association [APA], 1997). Following the 1995 bombing of the Alfred P. Murrah Federal Building in Oklahoma City and the events of September 11, 2001, large numbers of spontaneous volunteers arrived wanting to help the survivors. A 2002 Oklahoma City report, critical of spontaneous volunteers, maintained that they have little effect (or even a negative effect) unless directed to the place where they are needed and with the necessary tools (Memorial Institute for the Prevention of Terrorism [MIPT], 2002). It is essential for mental health volunteers to understand the relationships among federal, state, county, and local agencies, non-government agencies, and the safety and security issues present in disaster settings. They should know how to recognize and build upon the resilience of individuals, refer the more severely affected for treatment and most importantly, understand their own capacity to work with crisis, trauma, and a frequently changing situation. If “growth is an active process of constructing and organizing meaning” (Higgins, 1993), then disasters are an opportunity for growth.

Disaster Response in the United States

The United States has a long history of disaster response. The Congressional Fire Act of 1803 is usually considered the first national disaster legislation. By authorizing federal assistance to the town of Portsmouth, NH when a massive fire had exhausted community and state resources, the act changed how the country responded to disasters. Over the next 150 years, Congress passed more than 125 individual pieces of aid legislation before passing the 1950 Disaster Relief Act. The large number of disasters requiring federal assistance during the 1960s and 1970s drew national attention to the issue and related concerns and resulted in two new acts, the 1968 National Flood Insurance Act, which gave new flood protection to homeowners, and the 1974 Disaster Relief Act that established the process of Presidential Disaster Declarations.

In 1979, many of the numerous emergency agencies that had developed merged to form the Federal Emergency Management Agency (FEMA). In 1988, the Stafford Disaster Relief and Emergency Assistance Act created the system whereby a Presidential Disaster Declaration triggers financial and physical assistance through FEMA. Available following a Presidential Disaster Declaration, the FEMA Crisis Counseling Program was created to provide short term services aimed at relieving grief, stress, or mental problems caused or aggravated by disasters. The funding was channeled to state and local mental health agencies. In 2003, FEMA became part of the Department of Homeland Security and was tasked with responding to, planning for, recovering from and mitigating against disaster. Disasters of all types, together with the terrorist threat of chemical, biological, radiological, nuclear, and explosive (CBRNE) weapons, have driven legislative change and prompted the government to develop disaster response agencies, as well as stimulated researchers to further examine the psychological sequelae of disaster. The National Response Plan (NRP) has replaced the Federal Response Plan and other plans, and established multi-agency coordinating structures at the field, regional, and headquarters level. The NRP defines under what circumstances incidents of national significance occur.

Definitions

Disasters are defined and classified in several ways and viewed from different perspectives. The United Nations definition derives from a societal perspective: “A serious disruption of the functioning of society, causing widespread human, material or environmental losses, which exceed the ability of affected society to cope using only its own resources.” The Federal Emergency Management Agency defines a major disaster as “any natural catastrophe, or regardless of cause, any fire, flood, or explosion that causes damage of sufficient severity and magnitude to warrant assistance supplementing state, local, and disaster relief organization efforts to alleviate damage, loss, hardship, or suffering” (FEMA, 1995). At a state level, the New York State Office of Mental Health Crisis Counseling Guide differentiates between disasters causing unique problems for private/public organizations as well as local, state, and federal governments, and routine emergencies and critical incidents whose response demands can be met with local resources and do not exceed the normal capacities of any one organization and/or government, e.g., car crashes, suicides, fires, and shootings. Reflecting its unique role in disaster response, the American Red Cross defines disasters by type, level of financial impact, and scope of response required. Common to all disasters is how they provoke fear and anxiety and detrimentally affect the physiological and emotional stability of individuals and the psychological well being of communities.

Classification

Generally, disasters are classified as natural, human-made (deliberate, through error or negligence), and technological. Natural disasters alert us to the inevitable collision between humans and geological and atmospheric forces, whereas those precipitated by humans remind us of the precarious balance between technology, ecology, and species. Included in the category of natural disasters are hurricanes, earthquakes, tornadoes, floods, wild fires, avalanches, tsunamis, sand storms, waterspouts, and droughts. Each decade they kill one million people around the world and leave millions more homeless. In 1992, earthquake losses in California cost $158 million. The FEMA relief costs of the 1994 Northridge earthquake were $5.558 million. Flooding in the United States in Fiscal Year 1996 cost $6.1 billion (United Nation’s International Decade for Natural Disaster Reduction, 1997).

Disasters vary in size and duration. Some occur spontaneously while others are predictable. Using radar and satellites, meteorologists can reliably plot the path of a hurricane, a predictable weather event, giving people sufficient time to purchase emergency supplies, board up homes and/or leave the vulnerable area. In early August 2004, Charlie, the third tropical storm of the Atlantic Hurricane Season, appeared as a tropical wave. It developed into a tropical depression, strengthened to a tropical storm, and reached hurricane strength on August 11. The following night, it passed over mainland Cuba but on August 13, Charlie unexpectedly turned northeast and in three hours increased from a Category 2 storm (110 mph) to a Category 4 (145 mph). Hurricane Charlie took nine hours to cross a wide swath of central Florida before returning to the Atlantic the next day.

Earthquakes, tornadoes, and tsunamis give little or no warning. Before the 1994 California Northridge earthquake happened no one knew that the Northridge fault existed; structures previously considered secure were unable to withstand the 6.8 quake. Five years earlier, a 7.1 quake, generated by the San Andreas Fault and lasting fifteen seconds, caused sections of the San Francisco Oakland Bay Bridge and Nimitz Freeway to collapse, killing 62 people. On December 26, 2004, without a global earthquake warning system in place, there was no way to warn people of an anticipated tsunami following the earthquake off the coast of Sumatra. The massive tsunami flattened a 3,000-mile area from Indonesia to Somalia, killing over 160 thousand people and des-troying the homes and livelihoods of people in several countries. The rebuilding of the communities is expected to last for several years. The psychological repercussions are inestimable.

Human negligence and/or poor judgment also cause disasters. In 1966, following the collapse of slag heaps at Aberfan, South Wales that killed 144 people, the official Aberfan 1967 Report described the cause as “bungling ineptitude...failure to heed clear warnings” (Davies, 1967). Similarly, gross human error contributed to the collapse of dams securing mine waste at Buffalo Creek in West Virginia in 1972. A 20-30 foot wave of 132 million gallons of black wastewater tore through the towns. One hundred and twenty-five people died, 1000 were injured and 4000 were left homeless. Locked doors prevented people from escaping the 1911 Triangle Factory Fire that killed 145 New York workers and at the 1942 Boston Coconut Grove nightclub fire, which began from a single lit match held by a man trying to install a new light bulb and ultimately killed 492 people. More recently, in February 2003, a pyrotechnic display at the Rhode Island Station Nightclub triggered an inferno that killed 100 people and left 150 burn survivors (McGongle, 2003). Spectacular fires receive frontpage headlines. Single-family house fires that occur daily throughout the United States are less publicized although they account for approximately 93% of Red Cross disaster response.

Technological disasters involving chemical spills and radiation leaks contaminate ground soil and waterways, irrevocably alter the ecological balance and can make geographic areas uninhabitable for human settlement. Examining the psychological aspects of technological accidents is especially relevant at the present time when terrorist radiological and chemical threat exists. The worst nuclear accident in U.S. history was a core meltdown at the Three Mile Island nuclear power plant in Pennsylvania, in 1979. Ptacek (2001) suggested that a conflict of sleep patterns and work schedules may have contributed to the accident. Initial estimates of potential health risks to the local population were low. According to the Kemeny Commission, established by President Carter, the only health threat was mental distress. Epidemiologist, Stephen Wing, disputed the finding (Wing, 1997). Mangano (2004) commented on the limited number of radiation monitors near the plant, almost none beyond the immediate area, and that there were no in-body radiation levels recorded of people living near or far from the plant, thus making longitudinal studies of future health impossible. Studies assessing the psychological aftermath showed acute, medium, and long term effects similar to those from studies of the psychological effects of radiation catastrophes at Hiroshima and Nagasaki, which found that generalized and health-focused anxiety, somatization, and depressive symptoms remained elevated 10 to 20 years later. Seven years after the Three Mile Island accident, at the Chernobyl nuclear power plant in northeastern Ukraine, a nuclear reactor overheated causing a core meltdown with catastrophic consequences. One hundred and twenty thousand people were evacuated permanently (Bard, 1997). Eleven years after the accident, the psychological consequences of the evacuated were examined. Although protective factors were evident in the lives of the children, the mothers’ perspective of their children’s well being reflected their own traumatic experience (Bromet, et al. 2000).

Transportation accidents include those involving aviation, rail, bus, cruise ships, and also road incidents involving the release of chemicals. Human error or negligence, technical malfunction, and the weather can contribute to them. They occur with less frequency than other disasters but transportation accidents often involve mass casualties and can be dangerous beyond the immediate area. Not only are human lives lost and people injured and traumatized, the environment, wildlife, the economy, and society as a whole are affected. On September 9, 1996 an executive memorandum designated the National Transportation Safety Board (NTSB) as the coordinator of federal services to families of victims of major transportation disasters. The following month Congress passed the Aviation Disaster Family Assistance Act of 1996. The Federal Family Assistance Plan for Aviation Disasters is built around a core set of Victim Support Tasks (VST). Family Care and Mental Health is part of VST. NTSB gave the Red Cross responsibility for the VST actions, which include coordinating and managing volunteer counseling and support services, child care services, coordinating with the airline for the delivery of mental health support to family members, to include those who do not travel to the incident site, and arranging for a suitable interfaith memorial service.

Disaster Phases

In disasters where a warning phase occurs people can anticipate and prepare for its arrival. During and immediately after the impact, in what is called a heroic phase, emergency responders are highly active assisting people and resources begin arriving. This ushers in a honeymoon phase; people are appreciative of the help given to them, and hopeful that life will return to what it was before the disaster. When expectations are not entirely met and the reality of what has taken place becomes apparent, a period of disillusionment occurs with disappointment, resentment, anger, and frustration surfacing. As people assimilate what happened and accommodate to the changes, a reconstruction phase begins. People work through their grief and anger, gradually accepting that they will have to solve the problems caused by the disaster and they start the process of rebuilding their lives, a
process that may continue for many years.

The American Red Cross

Since its founding in 1881, the American Red Cross has responded to disasters. The Red Cross is a nonprofit, humanitarian organization granted a Congressional Charter in 1905 to carry on a system of national and international relief in time of peace and apply the same in mitigating the suffering caused by pestilence, famine, fire, floods, and other great national calamities. As part of the International Red Cross and Red Crescent Movement, the American Red Cross adheres to the movement’s fundamental principles of humanity, impartiality, neutrality, independence, voluntary service, unity, and universality. Its mission is to ensure nationwide disaster planning, preparedness, community disaster education, mitigation, and response. The Red Cross is community based. Its chapters throughout the United States and its territories participate in readiness, preparedness, and response activities. Many have disaster mental health teams. The Red Cross Disaster program focuses on meeting immediate disaster caused needs, such as shelter, food, health, and mental health services. Personnel conduct interviews with affected people in a variety of disaster settings to determine the extent of family and individual loss, and how the disaster has affected the family or individual. The Disaster Services program also feeds emergency workers, handles family disaster inquiries, provides blood and blood products to disaster victims, and helps those affected to access other resources. Although they are among the earliest responders to disasters, Red Cross personnel are not considered first responders. The American Red Cross has a designated role in the NRP.

American Red Cross Disaster Mental Health

A major catalyst for the creation of the Red Cross Disaster Mental Health program was the increased stress levels experienced by disaster workers and victims in Hurricane Hugo and the Loma Prieta earthquake of 1989. Development began in early 1990 with the first major deployment of mental health professionals in August 1992. The Red Cross Disaster Mental Health (DMH) program provides for and responds to the psychosocial needs of clients across the continuum of disaster, preparedness, response, and recovery. A one-day Red Cross training prepares licensed or certified psychologists, psychiatrists, social workers, counselors, marriage and family therapists, and psychiatric nurses to volunteer in their communities at local incidents and within the Red Cross structure on larger disaster relief operations. They give psychological support to individuals, families, community groups, and other disaster responders, and make referrals to local mental health agencies when further assessment or treatment is required. Mental health workers help people to use adaptive coping mechanisms and provide information about the psychosocial aspects of disaster. They advocate for clients and workers, and help in problem solving. The interventions they use are intended to alleviate distress by lowering physiological arousal, clarify the current situation, and mitigate dysfunctional thinking. Mental health professionals are present at most sites within a disaster environment where they monitor and mitigate stress in other workers.

In 1991, the American Psychological Association (APA) Disaster Response Network (DRN) was the first mental health organization to sign a Statement of Understanding with the American Red Cross to provide pro bono mental health services to disaster victims and relief workers. It required participating psychologists to complete the Red Cross mental health training, and recommended that they also take further training (ARC, 1991). The DRN is a coalition of affiliated state and local psychologists who are members of state and provincial psychological associations and has an Advisory Committee of five members who serve for a period of three years. The primary function of the national network is to facilitate joint activities with the Red Cross. The DRN responds to requests from the Red Cross to recruit members to assist at disasters. On September 11, 2001, the New York State DRN chair was one of many psychologists who arrived at the Red Cross Manhattan office. Her prior training and experience enabled her to determine where psychologists’ services were most needed and organize mental health teams. By November, the challenge of working in such a traumatic disaster was obvious to 30 New York DRN members who met to discuss ways of helping survivors and how to help themselves deal with the trauma (APA, 2001).

Sometimes, disaster workers are overly committed; it is easy for them to underestimate their own reactions to the disaster. An important task for mental health workers is to be alert to their own and other workers’ levels of stress and compassion fatigue. As early as 1980, Cohen and Ahearn (1980) indicated that overwork was a serious problem for disaster workers. In 1997, the Oklahoma City Task Force recommended that mental health worker shifts be normalized as quickly as possible to prevent unnecessary and potentially damaging stress (APA, 1997). A lesson learned from Oklahoma City was that senior managers should insist that workers leave at the end of their shift, and then to leave themselves (MIPT, 2002). Ehrenreich (2005), citing research based on international humanitarian aid workers, placed the responsibility on the organization for preventing and mitigating stress. “Although most agencies employing aid workers are aware that adverse stress reactions are a risk for relief workers, psychological support mechanisms for staff in their organizations are ‘underdeveloped’” (Ehrenreich, 2004).

Providing psychological assistance to disaster survivors is one of the most challenging and most stressful of psychological practices (Cohen and Ahearn, 1980). In a study that compared disaster mental health workers with mental health professionals who were not working in disaster mental health, Wee and Myers (1997) found that increased levels of stress were associated with providing mental health services to disaster victims during long-term recovery. Few studies have investigated mental health staff providing post disaster counseling or examined long-term effects of work related stressors (Myers and Wee, 2005). Myers and Wee (2005) have emphasized the necessity of pre-disaster stress assessment before assigning mental health workers to a disaster setting, and for those already involved in trauma intervention, they suggest assessing for compassion fatigue, burnout, and secondary traumatic stress disorder as well as personal and job stress.

Psychological Responses to Disaster and Traumatic Events

Most people exposed to a disaster do well and experience only mild, transient symptoms (Ursano, et al., 1995). Their responses are normal responses to “inordinate adversity” (Gray, et al., 2004). Flynn and Norwood (2004) report that common physical responses include fatigue, nausea, fine motor tremors, tics, paresthesias, profuse diaphoreses, dizziness, gastrointestinal upset, heart palpitations, and choking or smothering sensations, and cognitive responses include memory loss, anomia, decision-making difficulties, confusing trivial with major issues, concentration problems or distractibility, reduced attention span and calculation difficulties. Emotional responses include anxiety, grief, irritability, feeling overwhelmed and anticipating harm to self or others, while behavior responses include insomnia, gait change, hypervigilence, crying easily, gallows humor, and ritualistic behavior (Flynn and Norwood, 2004).

“Most people are exposed to at least one violent or life-threatening situation during the course of their lives. Resilience is common and multiple pathways can lead to it” (Bonanno 2004). A number of prospective studies have demonstrated an association between resilience to loss and the experience and expression of positive emotion. Theoretical constructs can eventually lead to paradigm shifts. In 1962, Schachter and Singer proposed that physiological arousal was the same for all emotions but cognitive labeling was not. Their proposal led to further studies exploring how feeling states or emotional behavior impacts perceptions, thoughts and behavior (Charlesworth, 1982), and how emotion has “more to do with how the individual relates past, present, and future events to his or her goals and striving” (Roseman, 1979). It is evident that theory and experimental research have influenced the development of post-disaster interventions, and relate to the emphasis on resilience and positive coping strategies for survivors of trauma.

Psychological Assessment Following Disaster and Traumatic Events

Medical and physical needs should be assessed before assessing psychological needs. Depending on the severity and scope of a disaster, mental health needs vary, with some populations, such as the bereaved, the mentally ill, and the disabled, more at risk (Ritchie and Hamilton, 2004). The challenges of assessment accuracy are due to bias, changes over disaster phases, unrealistic expectations of follow-up from the assessment, and the personal danger to assessors in post disaster chaos or violence (Ritchie and Hamilton, 2004). Evidence based early interventions have been developed and although many people exposed to large-scale disasters and traumatic events experience significant psychological distress, this is not an indication of pathology (Gray, 2004). Early intervention policies should be based on empirically defensible and evidence based practices and the use of ineffective or unsafe techniques should be discouraged (National Institute of Mental Health, 2002).

Sometimes the enormity of an event is overwhelming even to experienced and seasoned disaster mental health professionals. Flynn (1995) wrote poignantly of his reactions and experience during a visit to the site of the Alfred P. Murrah Federal Building bombing in Oklahoma City, OK, and of the powerful emotions that enveloped him. Sociologist Kai Erikson attended a post disaster gathering where lawyers were collecting information from survivors of the Buffalo Creek dam disaster. He recorded his observations, “The whole scene looked as if it had been painted in shades of gray. The children neither laughed nor played. The adults acted as if they were surrounded by a sheath of heavy air through which they could move and respond only at the cost of a deliberate effort. . . I felt. . . as though I were in the company of people so wounded in spirit that they almost constituted a different culture, as though the language we shared in common was simply not sufficient to overcome the enormous gap in experience that separated us” (Erikson, 1978).

Author

Dr. Susan Hamilton is the Senior Associate for Disaster Mental Health Services at the American Red Cross National Headquarters. She has been active in setting up a Disaster Response Network and active in the National Center on Disaster Psychology on Terrorism.

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